This research will now seek the viewpoints of different authors on Civil-Military transaction in Latin American states.
Wendy huntsman uses a rationalist approach to Civil-Military relations in Latin America, though she does admit the contributions made by structuralist and culturalist literature. Hunter argues that rational choice theory adequately illustrates the powerful machine that both forge and shape certain political actions. Today's political leader is primarily motivated by the desire to remain in office. Because of this, in certain instances it behooves politicians to challenge the war machine. We saw this when Bill Clinton challenged the military in the U.S. with new policies on homosexuals. However, Hunter go ons that military forces nominate their own agenda but refrain from using cap subject force due to negative publicity in today's extremely scrutinized political arena. As such, Hunter argues that each side chooses strategies hooked on the strategies chosen by the other. However, because the military is less reluctant to use heavy-handed tactics, Hunter argues politicians become "less direful of upsetting the military," (26). Hunter's independent variable star is the military and the dependent variable is the government. However, her rationalist approach does not explain how militaries manage to maintain so much control if politicians serve their own interests by challenging them.
In conclusion, the engagement being waged through syllabus Colombia is designed to eradicate the influence of the medicate-trade on political and economic stability in the nation. However, it is excessively designed to prevent the influence of leftist insurgent organizations complicated in the drug trade from spreading to rural populations in other countries. At the heart of this battle is Plan Colombia, whose $7.3 gazillion in resources represents a massive effort to undermine the drug trade, drug organizations, and corruption and drug-related violence in the country. The U.S. and Colombia must not ignore the social component of the Plan for greatest effectiveness.
As Nagle (2002) argues, Colombia's proximo and the rule of law may be at stake, "In a very real sense, fighting the battles of the future is happening now in Colombia, and how Colombia and its international partners are able to subdue guerrillas, political violence, and the lawlessness and terrorism associated with narco-trafficking will determine, to a large extend, the capabilities of nations to secure the rule of law for future generations."
Nagle, L. E. (Dec 2002). Plan Colombia: Reality of the Colombian crisis and implications for hemispheric security.
I enjoyed J. Samuel Fitch's analysis of Civil-Military relations more than any of the others offered here. This is because he explores the limitations that underlie behavioral approaches to Civil-Military affairs. He discusses the clandestine nature of most military behaviors or operations, qualification it impossible to objectively observe and judge such actions. Further, he contends that when the military does act, the behavior exhibited by it is subject to a categorisation of different interpretations. The relativity nature of his discussion is interesting for her connects those who receive actually served as military officers with their different rationales and understandings of their "role." Part of the obstruction in assessing military behavior and instituting measures
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