There are unquestionably similarities between the U.S. action that brought the Philippines chthonian U.S. rule in 1898 and the 2003 invasion of Iraq that brought that country, at least nominally and temporarily, under U.S. control. The U.S. acted in the Philippines after an flare-up severely dishonored an American battleship in a Cuban protect and an inquiry by the U.S. navy concluded that the mine that caused the explosion was Spanish (Gibney). Similarly, provide led the invasion into Iraq on the premise, at least one of them, that Iraq had been connected to the September 11 attacks on the U.S. In both cases, the connection was found to be splendid at best, non-existent at worst, and scholars have argued in both bases that the administrations upset the connections solely to gain public support for an invasion that had contrasting motives.
In the case of the Spanish-American war in particular, Frank Gibney contends that then-Secretary of the navy blue Theodore Roosevelt had long advocated that the U.S. needed a strategic presence in the Pacific and this was the real reason he ordered full admiral George Dewey to engage the Spanish fleet in the Philippines. The result was a swift and complete victory in the Spanish-American War of 1898 tha
Yet what Dueck ultimately seems to be arguing, and what seems to be borne out by an examination of American foreign constitution since McKinley, is that the Bush Doctrine is more a retreat from the practical politics approach to foreign policy first introduced by then-Secretary of asseverate Henry Kissinger during President Richard Nixon's administration when Kissinger deviated from America's traditional course of quest to contain the People's Republic of China and, instead, engaged China diplomatically ("Realpolitik").
In retreating from realpolitik, however, Bush seemed to be creating a policy based both on realism, as realpolitik came to be practiced by conservative governments in the United States, and cl`ssical liberal policies practiced by democratic governments such as that of Wilson and President Franklin Roosevelt. In practice, however, this new Bush Doctrine seems to be founded on theories of policies very similar to those of McKinley during the Spanish-American War.
Judis, John. "The Folly of Empire: What George W. Bush Could Learn from Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson," American Progress: Judis contends that when Woodrow Wilson was inaugurated as the American presidentin 1913, he believed that he could transform Latin America into inbuilt democracies similar to that practiced in the United States. However, Robert McElvaine writes that Wilson was a anti-Semite(a) who did not, in fact, believe that his call for self-determination should be employ to non-whites. Thus, like McKinley before him, Wilson believed that spreading democracy also meant livery civilization, morality and superior economic structures to savage peoples (Judis). Wilson's attempts at such democracies failed, however, and resulted instead in strong nationalist, anti-American sentiments in the targeted countries (Judis). Thus, Judis quotes Wilson as coming instead to believe that "self-government
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